The agendas mix three kinds of items: climate finance in the strict sense (provision and mobilisation under Art. 9 and Convention Art. 4.3, the funds and the collective goals); financing in the broad sense (aligning all flows, carbon markets, access); and the financing of the UNFCCC itself.
On climate finance, the new and most contested item is CMA 11(g), the Climate Finance Work Programme (CFWP) “including on Article 9.1 in the context of Article 9 as a whole.” Outputs of the CFWP are due at COP 32 in November 2027. Alongside it run the long-term finance item (COP 8(a), the third report on the USD 100 billion goal and the loans-versus-grants accounting dispute), guidance to the GCF, GEF, and the Fund for responding to Loss and Damage (FRLD) (COP 8(c)–(e) / CMA 11(b)–(d)), the Adaptation Fund, the review of the Financial Mechanism, and the Standing Committee on Finance with its Biennial Assessment of flows. Guidance to the FRLD is the only formal item on loss and damage finance.
On financing, the key item is CMA 11(f) on Art. 2.1(c) and its complementarity with Art. 9. Finance is also embedded in the just transition mechanism (CMA 5), Article 6 markets (CMA 16), and the adaptation indicators under the Global Goal on Adaptation (CMA 9(a)). The funding of the Art. 6.2 infrastructure and the budget concern the regime itself.
Equally important is what has no agenda item. New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance (NCQG) implementation and the Baku to Belém Roadmap to USD 1.3T will be fought over through 11(g), the Standing Committee reports, and the Presidency-led cover decision. The presidency’s Access to Finance Declaration and Action Plan sits in the non-negotiated Global Climate Action Agenda. Supplementary agenda requests remain possible by 9 November.
The finance ministers’ conclusions set the EU line. They frame climate action as a driver of “competitiveness, innovation, and energy security” and note that the EU remains the largest contributor “despite fiscal and geopolitical challenges.” Their main elements:
Read across three years, the conclusions move from designing a goal (2024) to claiming delivery (2025) to defending what exists (2026). The text shrank from 17 to 16 to 13 paragraphs, and the tone shifted from science-led urgency to efficiency and then to competitiveness and fiscal caution. The changes are clearest on six points:
The 25 June Council adopted no COP 31 conclusions. The Cyprus presidency took stock of efforts to strengthen the EU’s negotiating position (unity, a multi-annual “COP vision,” climate diplomacy), with no finance content.
The 12 October Council adopted the COP 31 conclusions. Their finance section (paras 27–32) recalls the ECOFIN text, as in 2024 and 2025, but its own content keeps shrinking: eight paragraphs for COP 29, seven for COP 30, six now. The dedicated loss and damage paragraphs of 2025 are gone. Instead, the political centre is mitigation: the 1.5°C overshoot, the transition away from fossil fuels, and a call for a “mitigation space” in the negotiations. The same Council debated the Emissions Trading System (ETS) review, including international credits, which links domestic choices to Article 6 demand.
On the evidence of the Council texts and submissions, the EU may arrive with a defensive finance position and an offensive mitigation narrative. In practice this means:
Clima Trust —formerly SLYCAN Trust— works at the global, regional, and national level to foster transformative action towards climate resilience, sustainable development, and innovative solutions. This briefing is an output of our EU Work Programme. Find out more about the work programme here.
Clima Trust is a non-profit think tank. It has been a registered legal entity in the form of a trust since 2016, and a guarantee limited company since 2019. The entities focus on the thematic areas of climate change, adaptation and resilience, sustainable development, environmental conservation and restoration, social justice, and animal welfare. Clima Trust’s activities include legal and policy research, education and awareness creation, capacity building and training, and implementation of ground level action. Clima Trust aims to facilitate and contribute to multi-stakeholder driven, inclusive and participatory actions for a sustainable and resilient future for all.
The agendas mix three kinds of items: climate finance in the strict sense (provision and mobilisation under Art. 9 and Convention Art. 4.3, the funds and the collective goals); financing in the broad sense (aligning all flows, carbon markets, access); and the financing of the UNFCCC itself.
On climate finance, the new and most contested item is CMA 11(g), the Climate Finance Work Programme (CFWP) “including on Article 9.1 in the context of Article 9 as a whole.” Outputs of the CFWP are due at COP 32 in November 2027. Alongside it run the long-term finance item (COP 8(a), the third report on the USD 100 billion goal and the loans-versus-grants accounting dispute), guidance to the GCF, GEF, and the Fund for responding to Loss and Damage (FRLD) (COP 8(c)–(e) / CMA 11(b)–(d)), the Adaptation Fund, the review of the Financial Mechanism, and the Standing Committee on Finance with its Biennial Assessment of flows. Guidance to the FRLD is the only formal item on loss and damage finance.
On financing, the key item is CMA 11(f) on Art. 2.1(c) and its complementarity with Art. 9. Finance is also embedded in the just transition mechanism (CMA 5), Article 6 markets (CMA 16), and the adaptation indicators under the Global Goal on Adaptation (CMA 9(a)). The funding of the Art. 6.2 infrastructure and the budget concern the regime itself.
Equally important is what has no agenda item. New Collective Quantified Goal on Climate Finance (NCQG) implementation and the Baku to Belém Roadmap to USD 1.3T will be fought over through 11(g), the Standing Committee reports, and the Presidency-led cover decision. The presidency’s Access to Finance Declaration and Action Plan sits in the non-negotiated Global Climate Action Agenda. Supplementary agenda requests remain possible by 9 November.
The finance ministers’ conclusions set the EU line. They frame climate action as a driver of “competitiveness, innovation, and energy security” and note that the EU remains the largest contributor “despite fiscal and geopolitical challenges.” Their main elements:
Read across three years, the conclusions move from designing a goal (2024) to claiming delivery (2025) to defending what exists (2026). The text shrank from 17 to 16 to 13 paragraphs, and the tone shifted from science-led urgency to efficiency and then to competitiveness and fiscal caution. The changes are clearest on six points:
The 25 June Council adopted no COP 31 conclusions. The Cyprus presidency took stock of efforts to strengthen the EU’s negotiating position (unity, a multi-annual “COP vision,” climate diplomacy), with no finance content.
The 12 October Council adopted the COP 31 conclusions. Their finance section (paras 27–32) recalls the ECOFIN text, as in 2024 and 2025, but its own content keeps shrinking: eight paragraphs for COP 29, seven for COP 30, six now. The dedicated loss and damage paragraphs of 2025 are gone. Instead, the political centre is mitigation: the 1.5°C overshoot, the transition away from fossil fuels, and a call for a “mitigation space” in the negotiations. The same Council debated the Emissions Trading System (ETS) review, including international credits, which links domestic choices to Article 6 demand.
On the evidence of the Council texts and submissions, the EU may arrive with a defensive finance position and an offensive mitigation narrative. In practice this means:
Clima Trust —formerly SLYCAN Trust— works at the global, regional, and national level to foster transformative action towards climate resilience, sustainable development, and innovative solutions. This briefing is an output of our EU Work Programme. Find out more about the work programme here.